Excerpt
Drafting an American Hero
As 2006 began, following the victory of Democrat Tim Kaine — who Virginia’s progressive bloggers had strongly supported during the 2005 gubernatorial campaign — over Republican Jerry Kilgore, Virginia’s leading netroots activists turned their attention to 2006. Their top priority: find someone who could stop Senator George Allen, a Bush clone and a leading insider favorite for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination, before he got within range of the White House. The optimal choice was obvious — the wildly popular former Virginia governor, Mark Warner. But Warner had already announced that he wouldn’t be running for the Senate in 2006. Instead, it seemed clear that Warner, like George Allen, had his eyes on the White House. Other prominent Virginia Democrats (like former Lieutenant Governor Don Beyer) also had taken their names out of the running or were not available. Which meant that, as of November 2005, the choices to take on George Allen and have a chance in hell of beating him were basically…nobody.
A few Virginia netroots activists believed that Allen was beatable, but the conventional wisdom was the exact opposite. Josh Chernila, the former political director of Democracy for Virginia who later became a leader in the “Draft James Webb” movement, says that “Virginia’s Democratic leadership saw no way to unseat this seemingly popular former governor.” Instead, Chernila believes they were ready to give Allen “a free ride to reelection in 2006 and a coronation as the Republican [presidential] nominee in 2008.”
Wanted: An American Hero
But at least a few netroots activists were not satisfied with that scenario. For starters, they knew that George Allen had only managed to defeat Senator Chuck Robb (weakened by a sex scandal involving a former Miss Virginia) by 4.6 points in 2000, the same year that George W. Bush had swept the state, (53%-44%, against Al Gore). Not exactly a landslide for Allen. Second, they saw that Allen’s relatively narrow victory over Robb had come in spite of his having outspent Robb by 3:1, a situation that could be corrected. Third, they looked at polls which showed that, since 2000, President Bush’s popularity had plummeted in Virginia. As a consequence, Allen would be running against a headwind in 2006 as opposed to the tailwind of 2000. Fourth, they believed that Virginia had changed dramatically since 2000, with the population of politically moderate northern Virginia having boomed and having helped send Democrats Mark Warner and Tim Kaine to the governor’s mansion in successive elections. Fifth, they felt that Allen’s record — including questionable positions on racial matters — had never been closely scrutinized by the media. Finally, they suspected that 2006 could be different than 2000 because of the active progressive blogosphere that had developed since then, as the Virginia netroots had demonstrated in the Kaine-Kilgore race of 2005.
Indeed, since 2000, a vibrant, hard-hitting progressive blogosphere had emerged in Virginia. It had earned its spurs in the Kaine-Kilgore gubernatorial contest of 2005, as well as in numerous local races. Could the Virginia blogs, combined with the other factors mentioned, make up a 4.6-point margin by George Allen? With the right candidate, at least a few Virginia netroots activists were confident that this was possible. But where was that candidate?
On October 30, 2005, as most Virginians focused on the Kaine-Kilgore race, former Reagan administration Navy Secretary James “Jim” Webb gave an interview in the San Diego Union Tribune. At the end of the interview, Webb commented — almost as an afterthought — “I have been talking to people about running for the Senate next year against George Allen, as a Democrat from Virginia.” Lowell Feld read about Webb’s interview on Daily Kos and did what any good blogger would do - he Googled Webb. Feld’s research convinced him that Webb had the potential to become a powerhouse candidate for Virginia: a U.S. Marine Corps veteran who had won the Navy Cross in Vietnam, a “Reagan Democrat” who could appeal to conservative Democrats, a best-selling novelist, and — unlike George Allen, who grew up in California — a man whose Scots-Irish family roots went back generations in Virginia.
As if all that weren’t good enough, Webb had also spoken out early and powerfully against the invasion of Iraq. In September 2002, Webb had written an opinion piece for the Washington Post titled, “Heading for Trouble: Do We Really Want to Occupy Iraq for the Next 30 Years?” The combination of Webb’s early, outspoken opposition to the Iraq war and his impressive biography meant that he had the potential to be George Allen’s worst nightmare come to life. As netroots activist and blogger Greg Priddy wrote at the time, ” James Webb could play a key role if he decides to challenge George Allen for Senate in helping Democrats craft and articulate a better national security strategy and overcome the ‘weak on defense meme with the American public.” In other words: Run, Webb, Run!
On November 18, 2005, Feld emailed Webb, writing that he “would be very interested in interviewing you about Virginia politics, and specifically about the possibility that you might take on George Allen in 2006.” Three days later, Webb wrote back, saying, “I’m still thinking hard about this, meeting with people from both sides of the aisle whose opinions I respect.” No wonder Webb was thinking hard and asking a lot of questions; on December 9, a Rasmussen poll showed Webb — not a candidate but included in the poll because his name was being bandied about — trailing Allen by 31 points, 57%-26%. Not exactly an encouraging sign for a Webb candidacy.
Finding “The One”
On December 20, 2005, Feld wrote an article on Raising Kaine simply titled, “Draft James Webb.” After citing Webb’s impressive resume, Feld wrote:
Yes, James Webb used to be a Republican, but now he’s a Democrat and several of us here at Raising Kaine believe he’d be a super-strong candidate against George Allen this coming November. Honestly, we feel that of all the names mentioned as potential Democratic Senatorial candidates, James Webb would stand the best chance BY FAR of defeating George Allen, or at least of giving him a heck of a run for his money. And, to be blunt, weakening Allen for 2008 is a top priority for “Fighting Democrats” like us; ask yourself, do you want George “let’s enjoy kicking their soft teeth down their whining throats” Allen to be your next president? Right, I didn’t think so.
The “soft teeth” quote was from a George Allen speech at the 1994 Virginia Republican convention. It was intended to fire up Republicans, and it did at the time, but it also fired up Democrats in the long run to defeat Allen. After reminding readers about Allen’s incendiary remarks, Feld concluded:
That’s why we’re asking you, if you want James Webb to take on Allen, to click here and tell him how much you want him as your candidate next November. Thanks.
Soon, numerous Virginia Democratic bloggers (and blog readers) were expressing support and interest for a Webb candidacy. Still, nobody knew if Webb really wanted to run. Just as importantly, nobody knew what Webb’s positions were on many important issues like abortion, the environment, trade, stem cell research, education, health care, or anything else.
On December 22, many of those questions were answered, as Webb sat down with Feld and two other Virginia Democratic netroots activists — Lee Diamond and Josh Chernila — for an off-the-record discussion. Diamond, in his mid-40s and involved with liberal causes for most of his adult life, had been writing to Webb for several months about Virginia and national politics. Neither Feld nor Lee Diamond knew each other, nor realized what the other was doing. Chernila, who lived in Arlington, was the former political director of Democracy for Virginia and a top blogger in his own right. Chernila knew both Feld and Lee Diamond and helped bring them together in the meeting with Webb.
The hour the three men spent with Webb left them feeling like they had found “The One” from The Matrix. It turned out that Webb was a Jacksonian populist who opposed the anti-gay marriage amendment on the ballot in Virginia, supported Roe v. Wade, and was for “fair trade” as opposed to “free trade.” Josh Chernila commented later that although “Jim Webb’s early and reasoned opposition to the Iraq war was a powerful incentive for the grassroots, it was really his principled economic policies that were the most compelling reason to support his candidacy.” Chernila also noted, excitedly, that Webb’s “Jacksonian mantra that ‘the health of a society should be measured not at its apex, but at its base’ was the first cogent message of Democratic populism to have emerged from the Democratic Party since before the Clinton era.”
Aside from the policy issues, Webb greatly impressed the three Democratic activists as smart, honest, down-to-earth. And Webb truly seemed interested in running for Senate. However, Webb had two serious misgivings. First, he was concerned about his ability (and desire) to raise the millions of dollars he would need to fight George Allen. Second, he was uncertain how a former Reagan administration official would be received by the Virginia Democratic establishment. This was where the netroots activists decided that they could help, by starting a “draft” to find out how much money and support there might be for a Webb candidacy.
Dinner with Harris
But first, the bloggers had a bit of business to attend to: a meeting with the Democratic establishment’s choice to run against Allen in 2006 — a wealthy high-tech lobbyist and longtime Democratic insider named Harris Miller. On December 28, 2005, Chernila and Feld sat down at the MezzaNine Restaurant in Rosslyn, Virginia, for what turned into a three-hour dinner with Miller. Feld was convinced that Webb was the best choice to run against Allen and wanted to move ahead with the draft, but Chernila and others — including a prominent Arlington elected official — urged Feld to at least hear Miller out first.
In the end, the dinner completely backfired on Miller. Chernila and Feld were repelled by Miller’s arrogant tone, including his assertions that he was a “genius” and a “visionary.” Miller bragged about being all about “hard choices,” but in response to a question about rolling back the Bush tax cuts for the top 1%, he was only able to stammer that he “wouldn’t commit political suicide.” So much for hard choices. As if that weren’t bad enough, Miller also said that he supported the death penalty so strongly, he’d “flip the switch myself.” Miller claimed, completely implausibly, that he could compete in southwestern Virginia. He revealed that he had strongly supported the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and he didn’t sound as if he had changed his mind since. He patted his wallet and bragged about his wealth. This certainly was not the way to impress two idealistic netroots activists intent on beating George Allen. As Chernila later noted, acidly, “The best that the Democratic party establishment could come up with was a union-busting IT lobbyist named Harris Miller who had the charisma of a shoe salesman and political positions…that would leave the base flaccid and garner absolutely no support in a general election.”
A Whirlwind of Activity
In sum, the dinner with Harris Miller left Chernila and Feld more determined than ever to draft James Webb. Feld called Corey Hernandez, a Democratic activist, contributor to Raising Kaine, and top-notch techie. Feld told Hernandez that if the netroots was going to draft Webb, they needed hundreds if not thousands of online signatures, pledges of money, and other indications of support. And they needed them fast. Webb was heading to Vietnam for about two weeks, and it was important to have something substantial to show him when he got back.
Thus began a whirlwind of activity. On New Year’s Day, thanks to Hernandez, DraftJamesWebb.com went live. As Virginia netroots activist Greg Priddy wrote on Daily Kos:
We’re a group of Virginia Democrats who are trying to encourage James Webb to run for George Allen’s Senate seat in 2006 — he’s seriously considering it at this point, and is expected to decide before the end of January. The Virginia race doesn’t appear to be at the top of the [Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's] priority list, so we believe it’s critical to demonstrate that we can generate interest, and financial support, from the blogosphere.
The diary received only a few comments, not a particularly auspicious beginning. From that point, however, the situation improved rapidly. On January 7, Feld wrote to Webb’s good friend, former U.S. Senator Bob Kerrey of Nebraska, asking for his advice on the draft movement. Kerrey responded right away:
Thanks for the note and your encouragement of Secretary Webb. I do not know Virginia well enough to speak with your confidence, but I am confident that Jim Webb is needed in the U.S. Senate today. I have been encouraging him to run and will do everything I can to help him if he decides to go for it. He is a unique and powerful voice which could change the course of our nation’s future.
Unfortunately, I cannot advise what you (or I) should do to get him to do this. That’s a work assignment for his remarkable heart.
The letter from Senator Kerrey was encouraging, and the Virginia blogosphere was buzzing. Signatures and pledges flowed into DraftJamesWebb.com. Lee Diamond and others worked the phones, trying to line up both grassroots and institutional Democrat support for a possible Webb candidacy.
On January 13, the draft team — now about half a dozen core people — delivered a package to Webb, entitled “Results of Draft Effort.” The package provided an analysis of the state of play in the Virginia Democratic Party, including indications that Mark Warner — despite being friends with Harris Miller — wanted “the strongest Democrat going against Allen.” Intelligence gathered by the draft team (in just two weeks) indicated that Democratic insiders saw Webb as a potentially stronger candidate than Miller, even though Miller had powerful friends in the party. Many Democrats were open to a Webb candidacy, but they had a lot of questions about Webb’s stands on the issues. The analysis advised Webb that “it will be very much in your interest to court the Democratic Party,” and made suggestions about whom Webb might contact in that regard. It provided an overview of the landscape facing Webb: “We think there is broad support for you to run within the Democratic Party…once you announce and share your views with people, support for your candidacy will solidify.”
The package also provided information on Harris Miller’s campaign, his strengths and weaknesses. It talked about contacts the draft had made, such as the veterans groups Band of Brothers and VetPac. It recommended that Webb attend the Democratic Party of Virginia’s annual Jefferson-Jackson (JJ) Day dinner, scheduled for February 11 in Richmond. It noted concerns people had with regard to Webb getting in so late, as well as the potential for “opposition research” against him given his voluminous record and writings (Webb himself said that he was an opposition researcher’s dream). The memo informed Webb that 340 Virginians (and 563 people total) had signed the draft petition in just 10 days, pledging $20,380 to a potential Webb for Senate candidacy. In addition, 145 people had explicitly expressed their intention to volunteer on Webb’s campaign, the kernel of what would later become a huge grassroots “ragtag army.”
The memo also included comments from the Draft James Webb site, some of which were powerful and moving. “I am proud you served under Reagan,” one person wrote, “and can see that the present administration has departed from old-line conservatism….Thank you for answering the call of duty once more, for Virginia and the nation.” Another person wrote: “We desperately need someone to replace George Allen who will do more than merely rubber stamp George Bush’s policies. We need a senator who will defend our civil liberties, rights to privacy and restore our reputation in the world community as one that values human rights.” Finally, here’s one of the draft team’s favorites:
I know what a tremendous personal sacrifice it would be to run against George Allen. But the U.S. Senate needs a man of your courage and integrity. Our beloved country is in great danger. We must take it back from Bush/Allens of our time. As a Scots-Irishman from the Shenandoah Valley, I urge you to accept the challenge. I am an old guy but am willing to help in any way I can.
On January 18, Feld ran a poll on Daily Kos, asking “Should James Webb Run for Senate?” The results were astounding, with over 900 people (98% of respondents) saying that they wanted Webb to run. Overwhelmingly, people were excited about the chance that Jim Webb could take on George Allen and possibly beat him.
The last two weeks of January 2006 were eerily quiet, as the draft group awaited word from Webb. Nerves began to fray, particularly as people on the blogs demanded to know what was happening with Webb. On January 21, Webb wrote to Lee Diamond, “I know many people are anxious and I’m doing my best to close the loop on this — will be having meetings this weekend with some key advisers, etc….I do appreciate all of your energy and effort.” Another week went by with no word. Finally, on January 29, frustrated at still not having heard from Webb, Feld wrote to Senator Kerrey again. The response was not encouraging to say the least: “I am sorry to report that I believe Mr. Webb will not be a candidate.” On January 30, Webb confirmed that he was out of the race, citing “the reality of fund-raising at this late date,” and also “the toll in hours out of every day that I was advised it would take.” Webb’s hard-working supporters were depressed almost beyond consolation, not only for their own efforts, but also for their state and their nation. For many, the thought of George Allen as president made them almost physically ill.
Fortunately, Webb’s “no go” decision didn’t last long. The next day, Webb wrote to Josh Chernila requesting a meeting. No one had a clue what was up. What could this mean? On February 3, the core draft group — Chernila, Diamond and Feld — met with Webb, who was joined by campaign strategist Steve Jarding. A legend in Democratic campaign circles, Jarding had worked for Bob Kerrey, John Edwards, and Mark Warner, among others. Jarding announced that he had come to work for Webb, and the draft group’s hopes rose through the roof. Jim Webb was back in the race. At the February 3 meeting, Feld was authorized to post the following statement on Raising Kaine:
As you all know, earlier this week I reported that James Webb had decided not to run for U.S. Senate from Virginia this year. This was based on direct contact with Webb, and was information that was rock solid at the time. However, times change. Today, I met with James Webb for 3 hours, along with my colleagues Josh Chernila and Lee Diamond, and I am authorized to say the following on Webb’s behalf: “Webb is definitely not out. Stay tuned for an announcement next week.”
By February 6, Draft James Webb had collected over 1,000 signatures and about $42,000 in pledges for Webb. On February 7, Webb told the Washington Post that he intended to be a candidate for the U.S. Senate as a Democrat in 2006. On February 9, Greg Priddy filed Webb’s statement of candidacy with the secretary of the Senate. Roll Call, an insider Capitol Hill newspaper that covers Congress, published an article speculating that Webb’s entry into the race could force Allen to spend millions of dollars in Virginia instead of “coast[ing] to re-election.” Still, Roll Call maintained that Allen was the “heavy favorite” in the race. Feld wrote at the time that this characterization “wildly overestimates Allen and seriously underestimates Webb.”
What a Difference a Draft Makes
What impact did the draft have? According to Jim Webb, “Seeing the spontaneous enthusiasm of the ‘draft’ movement was a very strong motivator for me, particularly as one who had never run for office, and would be running as a Democrat after having served in the Reagan administration.” Steve Jarding adds that when Webb started out, he didn’t have any money, organization, or connections with the party. Combined with George Allen’s incumbent advantages in name recognition and money, Jarding gave Webb only about a 15% chance of winning. Reportedly, Webb said “I’ll take those odds.” Jarding noted, “With the netroots, there was an infrastructure”; the netroots “had some juice, had some experience.”
Conaway Haskins, who ran the blog South of the James and who was hired as Senator Webb’s deputy state director after the election, observed that “the intersection of pros and amateurs in the Webb effort was unique in Virginia political history.” According to Haskins, one reason the Webb campaign relied so heavily on volunteers was that “it lacked financial resources and got started later than what is customary.” And Haskins noted that “the authenticity of the Webb movement, the Jacksonian populist element, called for a certain amount of organic, spontaneous social action. Too much integration would have hurt.”
Ben Tribbett runs one of the top political blogs in Virginia, Not Larry Sabato. Tribbett contends that the Draft Webb movement was “noticed by a lot of military people who knew Webb.” When Webb got “calls from friends, from people he respected,” Tribbett says that it “really helped to get him into the race.”
In January 2006, with the draft well underway, Webb told Steve Jarding that “the netroots guys were pushing him pretty hard to run.” According to Jarding, some people advised him that “the netroots will never work with the establishment” or with a traditional campaign. But Jarding says he decided early on to “embrace the netroots” in a relationship of “mutual respect.” According to Jarding, Webb “wanted to run an unconventional campaign” and “the netroots allowed Webb to be a different kind of candidate.” Webb hoped to avoid what had happened to Wes Clark in 2003, when strong netroots was rejected by the campaign professionals. Ultimately, Jarding considered “what the netroots brought to the table” as “very refreshing, not unlike Jim Webb himself.”
The strategy of Feld, Greg Priddy, Josh Chernila and the other Draft Webb bloggers was to go on Daily Kos and the pro-Democratic blogs more broadly, talk up Webb’s early and vocal opposition to the Iraq War, and make the case that Webb was a true Democrat in the Jacksonian populist mode. Aside from generating support for Webb, the strategy aimed to critique Harris Miller’s Democratic credentials, pointing out that he had given money to arch-conservative Republicans like former House Speaker Dennis Hastert and conservative Republican Senator Spencer Abraham of Michigan. Also, Miller had lobbied for the outsourcing of American jobs and had supported the invasion of Iraq. Given that dramatic contrast between the two candidates, it is not surprising that in a relatively short period of time, Webb’s popularity skyrocketed and Miller’s plummeted on the progressive blogs.
Also important for Webb’s early success were endorsements from Democratic leaders such as former Virginia Delegate Chap Petersen and former Congresswoman Leslie Byrne, both of whom were popular in Fairfax County and Northern Virginia more broadly. According to Steve Jarding, “the netroots didn’t necessarily get people like Chap and Leslie [to back Webb], but the netroots gave them a bit more cover [to do so].” In addition, “the netroots may have helped open the door to people like Chap [and to] other electeds with whom we had relationships.” More broadly, Jarding believes that “the netroots got Jim really thinking about running,” with the money pledged perhaps not amounting to a lot, but providing “another sign that this wasn’t unreal.”
Webb’s deputy campaign manager Adrienne Christian says, point blank, “I don’t think Jim would have gotten in without the draft.” According to Christian, the bloggers recognized that “we got Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, so why would we not look at another statewide office…why look at Senate seat any differently than other statewide races?” Indeed, after helping to elect Tim Kaine as Governor in 2005 over the heavily favored Jerry Kilgore, Virginia’s progressive netroots was feeling empowered. There was no reason for them to think they could not help beat George Allen.
Larry Huynh, an online strategist who worked on both the Clark and Webb campaigns, says that the Webb netroots built on what the Clark netroots had done: “There was a precedent from the Clark campaign for ‘drafting’ someone, drawing them into a race.” Netroots activists like Feld, who had been heavily involved in the Draft Wesley Clark movement, knew that that such a thing was possible. So, when Feld, Josh Chernila and Lee Diamond envisioned a Draft James Webb movement, it wasn’t coming out of nowhere. Instead, the rapidly developing progressive blogosphere and netroots had a reference point and a track record from the Clark campaign.
In addition to the netroots, the Webb campaign professionals appeared to understand the value of the netroots better than they might have even a year or two earlier. According to Larry Huynh, “the netroots were definitely better integrated in the Webb campaign than the Clark campaign,” with Jessica Vanden Berg and Steve Jarding more supportive of the netroots “than the professionals in the Clark campaign.” In the end, Huynh believes that the Webb campaign had a “more fruitful attitude” towards the netroots (and vice versa) than the Clark campaign did.
Most political campaign insiders and netroots activists that we interviewed while researching this book agree that something major happened between 2000 and 2007 in the way Americans elected their leaders. Opinions differ, however, with regard to exactly what that change constituted and what it portended. In general, insiders feel that traditional grassroots activists and their technologically savvy, snarky, netroots cousins have transformed the way voters gathered information about issues and candidates, as well as the way they communicated with one another and with the candidates. They also believe the blogosphere has changed the way contributors donate, and campaigns collect, the money needed to run for office.
Whether or not campaigns have fully internalized the netroots however — have learned to “put on the makeup,” as Zack Exley wrote in February 2007 — remains an open question as of early 2008. Our feeling is that once people get a taste of activist, netroots democracy, it will be difficult — if not impossible — to convince them to return to mass-media passivity. For candidates, the challenge will be to harness the power of the netroots or lose to those candidates who do. Either way, as the Washington Post concluded following the Yearly Kos convention in early August 2007, “Like it or not, the [netroots] appear to be here to stay.”